A three-hour-long press conference, forty questions. Giorgia Meloni picked the traditional start-of-the-year conference to discuss the latest foreign policy shifts by the US, explain the government's stance on the hottest war fronts, and outline Italy's new strategy on European environmental policies. The Prime Minister described it as a shift from an “ideological” to a “pragmatic” approach, claiming the first results of a diplomatic battle that began months ago and is still to be played out. The target is not just one European measure but the entire Green Deal.

Here are the Prime Minister's exact words: “We have achieved some very important results on the Green Deal. I am hopeful that Italy can do more, and I aspire to do the same as we did with immigration.” The parallel is not coincidental: in the last three years, the Prime Minister recalled, “the European line on immigration has been completely reversed. Now the goal is to replicate that success on the ecological transition front.”

The process of building alliances is ongoing, a result that Meloni has claimed credit for: during the European Council's environment ministerial meeting on the definition of new interim targets, Italy “brought together ten countries in the European Union that were like-minded with us and came close to forming a minority bloc.”

That group, Meloni added, “in any case, enabled us to achieve many of the demands that all countries had, including ours.” A “working group that I am trying to stabilise, which I believe can expand on issues connected to the green transition to achieve a more pragmatic and less ideological approach, because unfortunately, it is becoming apparent that the approach was somewhat ideological, given that we are backtracking on many of the choices made in previous years.”

The automotive crisis as a test case

The automotive sector has become the emblematic case for supporting this thesis. “In the automotive sector, the problems are mainly the result of choices that I have contested at the European level and that I am working to correct, and which, thanks to Italy’s commitment, are beginning to be corrected,” said the Prime Minister, adding, “Yes, there is a problem, but if it were up to us, that problem would certainly be mitigated compared to what we are seeing.”

In short, according to the Prime Minister, a winning team should not be changed but rather strengthened. Meloni also mentioned a reflection that goes beyond industrial policy: “We can also discuss the cultural issue: […] we were raised in a world where the car was the main status symbol, but for young people today this is no longer the case, so there are various issues that need to be considered.”

However, she concluded, “the measures that have been taken, particularly in the context of the Green Deal on cars, have certainly contributed to a significant part of these industrial crises.”

An interpretation that places the responsibility for the crisis mainly at a European level, minimising other factors such as the structural delays of the European automotive industry compared to its Asian competitors or the slow transition to electric vehicles. The agreement with Mercosur provided an opportunity to put this “pragmatism” advocated by the government into practice. And pragmatism could well be the keyword of this conference: “I have never had an ideological position on Mercosur. I have always taken a very pragmatic view [precisely, ed.]: the issue is not ‘whether or not we are in favour of free trade’, but the European strategy of regulating internally while entering into agreements with systems that do not have such regulations risks being suicidal. I am in favour of trade agreements, but also of deregulation, so Mercosur is fine [...] but not at the expense of the excellence of our products.”

Almost in tandem with the end-of-year press conference, which has now become a New Year's press conference, the Italian green light has been given to the Mercosur agreement after obtaining “guarantees” from Brussels. The Minister of Agriculture, Francesco Lollobrigida, provided the technical details: the threshold for the safeguard mechanism has been lowered “from 8 to 5%”, and “the strengthening of the system of controls for goods entering the European Union” and “the elimination of duties and cost increases for fertilisers provided for in the CBAM regulation” have been obtained, explaining that the rules obtained “will impose a logical requirement: incoming products cannot contain residues of substances banned for European farmers.” In support of the sector, “a €6.3 billion fund has also been set up to mitigate potential market disruptions.”

This makes Mercosur a test of the resilience of the European model: on the one hand, the need to open new markets for industry; on the other, the defence of environmental and production standards achieved over the years. The reciprocity called for by the Italian government could be a guarantee, but its practical application will be decisive in determining whether it is a real protection mechanism or a compromise formula destined to remain on paper.

The Arctic: strategy for climate (and geopolitics)

Trump, Venezuela (with Alberto Trentini's release expected any moment now), Greenland, Ukraine, Gaza: all the hot topics – some of them extremely so – were addressed. The answers to the reporters' questions were not always timely, but there was no shortage of jokes and colourful facial expressions, in a style that has become customary in the debate. Among the announcements at the press conference, one is particularly relevant to environmental and climate policy: “By the end of this month, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs will present an Italian strategy on the Arctic, as we too understand how strategic and important it is today to focus on this area of the world, and we are doing our part.”

There are four stated objectives: “preserving the Arctic as an area of peace and cooperation, contributing to the security of the region, helping Italian companies that want to invest in this area” and, significantly, “promoting research in a territory that is particularly strategic for us, especially for studying the issue of climate change”.

The same climate change research from which her ally and friend Donald Trump has just removed his researchers and diplomats. Meloni responded to this (showing some signs of impatience): “I disagree with him on many things, international law must be defended.” She added, “When we disagree, I say so, but I say it to him.” The Arctic strategy is part of a complex geopolitical context, marked by the US president's statements on Greenland. Meloni described the US position as a signal that they “will not accept excessive interference from other foreign actors in an area so strategic for their security and interests”, proposing a greater “serious and significant presence of the Atlantic Alliance in the Arctic.”

The climate aspect, as mentioned, seems to fit into a framework predominantly concerned with security and economic interests. It is yet to be seen how much space climate change research will actually find in the strategy that Minister Tajani will present in the coming weeks. Remaining on the foreign front, regarding Ukraine: for now, according to the Prime Minister, there is no place for Russia in the G7, just as the time has come for “Europe to talk to Russia”, hypothesising the need for an ad hoc European envoy on the issue.

Energy: announcement without details

On the energy front, Meloni indicated that lowering energy prices is one of the “three things” fundamental to promoting growth, along with supporting employment and investment. The government is working on “a measure to lower prices in one of the next Council of Ministers meetings”, but no details on the planned measures emerged during the press conference.

The Prime Minister cited the single SEZ (Special Economic Zone) in southern Italy as a “model for promoting investment”, pointing to it as a reference “for the whole country”. On the housing front, a Housing Plan was announced that aims to “make 100,000 new flats and houses available at reasonably controlled prices over the next ten years, excluding social housing”.

Work will be carried out with “intermediary bodies” such as Confindustria. This clearly suggests significant private sector involvement. Among the hypotheses circulating lately is that there is a desire to structure regulatory intervention in such a way as to reserve a quota of social housing in building permits. Nothing has been put in writing yet, but we will see the drafts that will be circulated.

Pragmatism or slowdown?

The change of pace announced by Meloni raises fundamental questions about the future of European climate and environmental policies. The “pragmatism” invoked can be interpreted in two opposing ways: as a necessary adjustment of policies that are too rigid or insufficiently attentive to industrial and social repercussions, or as a strategy of slowing down disguised as realism. The creation of a bloc of ten “like-minded” countries is an explicit attempt to change the European consensus on transition policies from within.

In the coming weeks, the presentation of the Arctic strategy and the evolution of the European debate on intermediate climate targets will provide more concrete elements for assessing the actual scope of this change of course. One thing is certain: Italy has chosen to play an active role in redefining the scope of European environmental policies, focusing on a revision that is gaining support in several Member States but risks distancing the climate targets set for 2030 and 2050.

The game is on, but the outcome will depend on the ability to strike a balance between the legitimate protection of industrial and employment interests and the non-negotiable need to combat climate change. A balance that seems inevitably skewed towards the former.

Cover: Giorgia Meloni © Palazzo Chigi